4853. EBB to Isa Blagden
As published in The Brownings’ Correspondence, 29, 26–32.
126 Via Felice–
March 20. [1861] [1]
Extract from Isa’s letter—Textuel.
“Miss Brown told me that Mrs Eckley had sent a poem of hers on Pia de Tolomei [2] to the Woman’s Journal many months ago. At last it has been printed, & I sent the Mag. to her directly &c” &c &c–
Now, my Isa, grammatically understood, “Mrs E. having sent a poem of hers”, means a poem of Mrs E’s. And I do hope Agnes Tremorne (by the bye) wont be made to choose the wrong lover (to the minds of simple readers) by an explanation & construction like this– See how impertinent some people can be! But then other people began it .. by a charge about not reading letters! Be sure dearest dear Isa, that I am too glad to get your letters, not to read them through when I do get them. Put away such suggestions of the Evil One–
Let me answer your questions concerning Non Pio VE. Se non vero, ben trovato. [3] Very happy—& I hope true– Probably enough it may be true, though I never heard it but from you. There was a banner with Viva Pio IX on one side & Viva VE re’d’Italia on the other—that’s true. And various devices we have had, miraculous rains of revolutionary placards among the rest. The French have taken to “protect” our demonstrations here—half by way of keeping them under, perhaps—although the sympathy between the people & the troops (Goyon apart) has been always undeniable– You know there was to be a gigantic demonstration to meet the declaration in the North– [4] It was fixed to spread itself over three days. The French politely begged the ‘papalini’ to keep out of sight, & then they marched with the Roman demonstration for two days—twenty thousand Romans gathered together, I hear from those who were there, the greatest order observed,—tricolors insinuated into the costume of all the women– After a certain time, .. French officer turns round & addresses the populace “Gioventù Romana, basta cosí– Adesso bisogna andare à casa—poichè mi farebbe grandissimo dispiacere d’aprire ad alcuno la strada dei [sic, for delle] carceri.” [5] The last words said smiling—as words to the wise– “Grazie, grazie, grazie” were replied on all sides, & the people dispersed in the best humour possible. Yesterday (San Giuseppe) [6] we were to have had it repeated, but it rained hard .. which was fortunate perhaps—& I hear something of cannons being placed in evidence,—& of Goyon saying ‘de haute voix’ [7] that he could’nt allow it to go on. But everybody understands Goyon. He has certainly, up to a point, papal sympathies, & is as tender as he dares be to the Holy father—& the irritation & wrath of the priestly party is naturally great. On the other hand, the whole body of French troops & their officers are as much vexed by Goyon, as Goyon can vex one—& there’s fraternization with the Romans to an extraordinary degree. Penini came home three days ago in a state of ecstasy– “No—he never had been so happy in all his life– Oh mama—I am so happy.” What had happened, I asked. Why, Pen, being on the Pincio, had fallen on the French troops, had pushed through, & heard “l’ordre du jour” [8] read, had made friends with ever “so many captains,” had marched in the ranks round the Pincio & into the caserma, [9] had talked a great deal about Chopin, Stephen Heller, &c with musical officers, & most about politics, & had been goodnaturedly brought back to our door because he was “too little to come alone through the crowd.” What had they not told him? Such things about Italy– “They hoped,” said Pen, “that I [10] would not think they were like the Papalini– No indeed. They hoped I knew the French were different quite—and that, though they protected the Holy Father, they certainly did’nt mean to fight for him. What they wanted was VE king of Italy– Napoleon veut l’Italie libre. [11] I was to understand that, & remember it.” The attention, & the desire to conciliate Pen’s good opinion, had perfectly turned the child’s head. It will be “dearest Napoleon” more than ever– Of course he had invited the officers to “come in & see mama,”—only they were too discreet for this–
Pantaleone is exiled—ordered to go in eight days, three of which are passed. He is still in hopes of gaining more time, but the pope is said to be resolutely set against him. [12] I am very sorry: not surprised. He told Robert yesterday, that nothing can be surer than that Napoleon has been throughout a true friend to Italy. Which is a good deal for a man to admit who began with all the irritation against Napoleon of a Roman of 1849. Even after the war, through Villafranca, the bad feeling returned, and as he lives so much among the English it was only natural that he should receive certain influences– He is with Odo Russell (who calls him Pant) nearly everyday, & Mr Cartwright is very intimate with him besides– But P. is above all things Italian, & the Italian of the most incisive intellect I ever talked with. He praises Lord John & compliments his nation, but at the end of the bill, he sees the account as it stands. When the English were raging about Savoy, I heard a word or two from Pantaleoni which convinced me that the Imperial wickedness did not strike him as the sin against the Holy Ghost precisely– In fact, I doubt much, that he (an intimate friend of Massimo d’ Azeglio) knew all about it before the war–
By the bye why does Azeglio write against Rome’s being the capital, just now– [13] It seems to us all very ill-advised. Italy may hereafter select the capital she pleases—but now, her game ought to be to get Rome as an indispensable part of the play, as soon as possible. There are great difficulties in the way—that’s very sure– It’s quite time indeed that Mrs Trollope’s heart should warm a little towards the Emperor,—for no ruler has risked so much for a nation to which he did not belong (unless he wished to conquer it) as Napoleon has for this nation. He has been tortuous in certain respects—in the official presentation of the points he was resolute on carrying—but from first to last there has been one steady intention—the liberation of Italy without the confusion of a general war– Moreover, his eyes are upon Venice, & have been since Villafranca. What I see in the very suggestion to England about stopping Garibaldi from attacking the mainland, [14] was a preparation to the English mind towards receiving the consequence of unity, namely the seizure of Venice– “You must be prepared for that? .. you see where you are going? You wont cry out when France joins her ally again?”– Lord John did’nt see the necessity … No, of course he did’nt. He never does see except what he runs against. He protested to the last (by the Blue Book) against G’s attack [15] —he was of opinion, to the last, that Italy would be better in two kingdoms– [16] But he would’nt intervene– In which he was perfectly right, of course—only that people should see where their road goes even when they walk straight. And mark, if France had herself prevented Garibaldi’s landing, Lord John would simply have “protested.” He said so– France might have done it without the least inconvenience therefore,—and she did not. She confined herself to observing that if VE might have Naples, he must have Venice,—& that there could be no good in objecting to logical necessities of accepted situations. In spite of which, every sort of weight was hung on the arms of France that no aid should be given for Venetia. Certain things written to Austria, & uttered through Lord Cowley, I cant forgive Lord John for—my heart does not warm, except with rage. To think of writing only the other day to an Austrian count .. “All we can do for you is to use our strongest influence with France, that she shd not help Italy against you in Venetia. And in our opinion you will always be strong enough to baffle Italy– Italy cant fight you alone–” The words I am not sure of, but the idea is a transcript– [17] And the threats uttered through Lord Cowley, were worse—morally hideous, I think. [18]
Napoleon’s position in France is hard enough of itself– Forty thousand priests, with bishops, of the colour of Mongneur d’Orleans, [19] & company––having of course a certain hold on the agricultural population which forms so large a part of the basis of the Imperial throne– Then add to that, the parties .. the “liberals” (so called) & others, who use this question as a weapon simply. In the senate & Legislative Body they have’nt forgotten how to talk, have they?—these French. The passion & confusion seem to have been extreme. After all, we shall get a working majority, I do hope & trust—for all the intelligent supporters of the government are with us—& the chamber will be dissolved at need– There is talk of it already in Rome.
Never mind Englishwoman’s Journal– I shall see it here, if I like– I hear Mrs E. talks of bringing out a volume of poems [20] —(save the mark!) [21] Her youngest brother Frederick Tuckerman [22] is bringing out one meanwhile, which he wants Bentley to patrocinare [23] –– At last we see your advertisement. Viva Agnes Tremorne!– We find it in Orley Farm. [24] How admirably this last opens– We are both delighted with it– What a pity it is that so powerful & idiomatic a writer should be so incorrect, grammatically & scholastically speaking. Robert insists on my putting down such phrases as these .. “The Cleeve was distant from Orley two miles tho’ it could not be driven under five.”– “One rises up the hill”– “As good as him”– “Possessing more acquirements than he would have learned at Harrow”–
Learning acquirements!!!–– Yes—they are faults, and should be put away by a first rate writer like Anthony Trollope. Its always worth while to be correct. But do understand through the pedantry of these remarks, that we are full of admiration for the book– The movement is so excellent & straightforward—walking like a man, & “rising up hill” .. & not going round & round as Thackeray has taken to do lately. He’s clever always, but he goes round & round till I’m dizzy for one, & dont know where I am. I think somebody has tied him up to a post, leaving a tether–– Dearest Isa, the day before yesterday I had two letters from Mdme Matteucci to ask us to take rooms. He is coming directly to Rome. [25] She says she has much to tell me,—and its evident, of course, that an Italian senator, native to the Roman States, wdnt come here just now without mission or permission. I am full of expectation—but will say no more–
Dearest Isa, have I been long in writing indeed. You see, I let so many letters accumulate which I had’nt the heart to reply to, that on taking up the account, I had over much to do in writing letters– Then I have been working a little at some Italian lyrics– Three more are gone lately to the Independent, [26] —& another is ready to go– [27] All this, with helping Pen to prepare for the Abbé, has filled my hands—and they are soon tired, my Isa, now a days– When the sun goes down, I am down. At eight I generally am in bed,—or little after– And people will come in occasionally in the day, & annul me– I had a visit from Lady Annabella Noel lately, Lord Byron’s grand-daughter. Very quiet, & very intense, I should say– She is going away, & I shall not see her more than that once, I dare say .. but she looked at me so with her still deep eyes & spoke so feelingly, that I kissed her when she went away– Another new acquaintance, less interesting, is Lady Marion Alford, the Marquis of Northampton’s daughter, very eager about literature & art & Robert, for all which reasons I should care for her. Also Hatty calls her divine. I thought there was the least touch of affectation—of fussiness—but it may not be so– She knelt down before Hatty the other day & gave her, .. placed on her finger, .. the most splendid ring you can imagine—a ruby in the form of a heart, surrounded and crowned with diamonds. Hatty is frankly delighted, & says so with all sorts of fantastical exaggerations.
Tell me what you think of the photographs which Robert sends with his best love. I think the head perfect, .. & the other very poetical & picturesque. I wish I had mine to send Kate, tell her with my dear love, but I have not one, nor can get one– Perhaps I may have to sit again before leaving Rome—& then she shall be remembered. And Robert will give her his.
Pray dont apologize for your Bowen– [28] He is very much to be liked. Mrs Bruen is charmed. He has been three times to talk with me—& Robert has called on him twice. Robert is quite vexed at your “prétension” about having friends not good enough for his acquaintance. Yes, really he was vexed– “Isa never understood him—not she!” Is there not reason? we may murmur– But the truth is, he is always ready, (be pleased to know) to honor your drafts in acquaintanceship,—& chooses to be considered ready. <***>
Publication: B-IB, pp. 421–427.
Manuscript: Fitzwilliam Museum.
1. Year provided by reference to the return address; 1861 was the only year the Brownings resided at 126 Via Felice in March.
2. See letter 4846, note 2. The poem is signed “E.J.” and was presumably written by American-born Mary Ayrault Brown (1830–1900), who had met the Brownings at Bagni di Lucca in September 1857. In 1867 she married the American painter Isaac Eugene Craig at Florence, where they settled permanently. Her reminiscences of the Brownings and Isa were published by Helen Zimmern in the Colorado Springs Gazette, 20 July 1890, p. 5, and are reprinted as Appendix V.
3. Cf. “Se non é vero, é molto ben trovato,” “If it is not true, it is a happy invention” (anonymous sixteenth-century Italian saying). In a dispatch dated 12 March, the Rome correspondent for The Times reported that “The Romans now salute each other on meeting with the commonplace remark ‘Non piove’—it does not rain. It is to be read ‘Non Pio, V.E.’—not Pius (but) Victor Emmanuel” (20 March 1861, p. 5).
4. At the meeting of the first Italian Parliament on 18 February 1861, Cavour presented a bill proclaiming Victor Emmanuel II, King of Italy. It was unanimously approved on 17 March 1861.
5. “Roman youth, enough of this—Now you have to go home—because it would give me the greatest displeasure to open the way to the prisons.”
6. The feast day of St. Joseph.
7. “In a loud voice.”
8. “The order of the day.”
9. “Barracks.”
10. Underscored twice.
11. “Napoleon wants a free Italy.”
12. According to Odo Russell, several months earlier Pantaleoni had drafted a memorandum outlining a plan of conciliation between the papacy and the new Italian state, whereby Pius IX would renounce all claims to temporal power in exchange for complete independence and non-interference, while retaining the prerogatives of a sovereign, as well as papal properties. With the Pope’s encouragement, a representative from the Vatican was sent north to discuss the plan with Cavour. However, just as Pantaleoni received official word from Turin to open negotiations on behalf of the Italian government with the Holy See, he was given notice to leave Rome (see The Roman Question, ed. Noel Blakiston, 1962, pp. 168–171). In a letter to Henry Layard, dated 26 March 1861, Joseph Pentland explained: “Poor Pantaleoni leaves Rome today in Exile, after every kind of annoyance from the Pontifical authorities, he has received his passport with orders to leave his wife, children, patients and home in 24 hrs. … P. goes to Turin, where he will take his seat as deputy for Macerata, and where he will be a much more dangerous enemy of Pio IX than he could have been in the Piazza di Spagna” (ms at BL).
13. In his pamphlet Questioni Urgenti, issued in March 1861, Massimo d’Azeglio argued that locating the capital at Rome would diminish the sovereignty of the Pope and that Romans were morally unfit to host the seat of government. He proposed instead that Florence be made the capital of Italy due to its “cultural prestige, central position, equable climate, purity of Italian speech, defensible site, and its general acceptability to citizens of other Italian cities” (Ronald Marshall, Massimo D’Azeglio: An Artist in Politics, 1966, pp. 282–283).
16. In his dispatch of 25 July 1860, Lord John Russell writes: “It was the opinion of Her Majesty’s Government that Italy would be stronger under two sovereigns, one in the north, and the other in the south, than under one Crown” (Further Correspondence Relating to the Affairs of Italy, British Parliamentary Papers, 1861, p. 37).
17. We have been unable to trace this letter from Lord John Russell to an “Austrian count.”
19. Félix Antoine Philibert Dupanloup (1802–78), who had been Bishop of Orléans since 1849, was an outspoken opponent of Napoleon III’s government. A report in The Times for 22 March 1861 stated that “The sword has long been hanging over M. Dupanloup’s head, and now it has fallen. The Bishop is officially ostracized” (p. 9).
20. Sophia Eckley eventually published two volumes of poetry: Poems (1863) and Minor Chords (1869).
21. Cf. I Henry IV, I, 3, 56. In this and subsequent quotations from and allusions to Shakespeare’s works, the line numbers correspond to those in The Riverside Shakespeare (Boston, 1974).
22. Frederick Goddard Tuckerman (1821–73), a Boston lawyer, had privately printed his Poems in late 1860 and sent out complimentary copies the following spring. Soon after receiving her copy, Sophia Eckley wrote to her brother: “I shall send the Brownings the book as soon as I can give it up. … I only wish you had sent me several for the Brownings are full of interest to see them” (see SD2442). Three copies reached Sophia Eckley the following day. She apparently sent one of these to the Brownings, which accounts for a line being drawn through their name on a list Tuckerman made of recipients intended to be given complimentary copies (ms at Harvard). His volume was eventually published by Smith, Elder & Co. in 1863.
23. “Sponsor.” Bentley had published Mrs. Eckley’s The Oldest of the Old World (1860).
24. Anthony Trollope’s Orley Farm was published in 20 monthly parts, beginning in March 1861. We have been unable to trace a copy of the first issue with an advertisement for Agnes Tremorne; however, an advertisement for “New and Standard Works,” dated April 1861, that appeared at the end of the first edition of Framley Parsonage, lists “Agnes Tremorne. by I. Blagden. In Two Vols.” under the heading “Just Published.”
25. EBB refers to Carlo Matteucci (1811–68); see letter 4710, note 5.
27. “Mother and Poet,” published in The Independent on 2 May 1861 (p. 1); see letter 4883, note 15.
28. Charles Christopher Bowen (1830–1917), son of Charles Bowen (of County Mayo) and his wife, Georgiana (née Lambert), and cousin of Isa’s friend Charles Synge Christopher Bowen. Between December 1859 and March 1862 he toured Europe. The Brownings’ address book for this period (AB-4) indicates that he was residing in Rome at Hotel del l’Allemagne, Via Condotti. He was travelling with Clements Robert Markham, whose sister, Georgina Elizabeth Markham, he married in London on 16 July 1861.
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